Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam

A speech delivered by Ho Chi Minh on September 2, 1945

All men are created equal. They are endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights, among them are Life, Liberty, and the pursuit of Happiness.”

This immortal statement was made in the Declaration of Independence of the United States of America in 1776. In a broader sense, this means: All the peoples on the earth are equal from birth, all the peoples have a right to live, to be happy and free.

The Declaration of the French Revolution made in 1791 on the Rights of Man and the Citizen also states: “All men are born free and with equal rights, and must always remain free and have equal rights.”

Those are undeniable truths.

Nevertheless, for more than eighty years, the French imperialists, abusing the standard of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, have violated our Fatherland and oppressed our fellow-citizens. They have acted contrary to the ideals of humanity and justice.

In the field of politics, they have deprived our people of every democratic liberty.

They have enforced inhuman laws; they have set up three distinct political regimes in the North, the Center and the South of Vietnam in order to wreck our national unity and prevent our people from being united.

They have built more prisons than schools. They have mercilessly slain our patriots; they have drowned our uprisings in rivers of blood.

They have fettered public opinion; they have practiced obscurantism against our people.

To weaken our race they have forced us to use opium and alcohol.

In the field of economics, they have fleeced us to the backbone, impoverished our people, and devastated our land.

They have robbed us of our rice fields, our mines, our forests, and our raw materials. They have monopolized the issuing of bank-notes and the export trade.

They have invented numerous unjustifiable taxes and reduced our people, especially our peasantry, to a state of extreme poverty.

They have hampered the prospering of our national bourgeoisie; they have mercilessly exploited our workers.

In the autumn of 1940, when the Japanese Fascists violated Indochina’s territory to establish new bases in their fight against the Allies, the French imperialists went down on their bended knees and handed over our country to them.

Thus, from that date, our people were subjected to the double yoke of the French and the Japanese. Their sufferings and miseries increased. The result was that from the end of last year to the beginning of this year, from Quang Tri province to the North of Vietnam, more than two million of our fellow-citizens died from starvation. On March 9, the French troops were disarmed by the Japanese. The French colonialists either fled or surrendered showing that not only were they incapable of “protecting” us, but that, in the span of five years, they had twice sold our country to the Japanese.

On several occasions before March 9, the Vietminh League urged the French to ally themselves with it against the Japanese. Instead of agreeing to this proposal, the French colonialists so intensified their terrorist activities against the Vietminh members that before fleeing they massacred a great number of our political prisoners detained at Yen Bay and Caobang.

Notwithstanding all this, our fellow-citizens have always manifested toward the French a tolerant and humane attitude. Even after the Japanese putsch of March 1945, the Vietminh League helped many Frenchmen to cross the frontier, rescued some of them from Japanese jails, and protected French lives and property.

From the autumn of 1940, our country had in fact ceased to be a French colony and had become a Japanese possession.

After the Japanese had surrendered to the Allies, our whole people rose to regain our national sovereignty and to found the Democratic Republic of Vietnam.

The truth is that we have wrested our independence from the Japanese and not from the French.

The French have fled, the Japanese have capitulated, Emperor Bao Dai has abdicated. Our people have broken the chains which for nearly a century have fettered them and have won independence for the Fatherland. Our people at the same time have overthrown the monarchic regime that has reigned supreme for dozens of centuries. In its place has been established the present Democratic Republic.

For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government, representing the whole Vietnamese people, declare that from now on we break off all relations of a colonial character with France; we repeal all the international obligation that France has so far subscribed to on behalf of Vietnam and we abolish all the special rights the French have unlawfully acquired in our Fatherland.

The whole Vietnamese people, animated by a common purpose, are determined to fight to the bitter end against any attempt by the French colonialists to reconquer their country.

We are convinced that the Allied nations which at Tehran and San Francisco have acknowledged the principles of self-determination and equality of nations, will not refuse to acknowledge the independence of Vietnam.

A people who have courageously opposed French domination for more than eight years, a people who have fought side by side with the Allies against the Fascists during these last years, such a people must be free and independent.

For these reasons, we, members of the Provisional Government of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam, solemnly declare to the world that Vietnam has the right to be a free and independent country—and in fact is so already. The entire Vietnamese people are determined to mobilize all their physical and mental strength, to sacrifice their lives and property in order to safeguard their independence and liberty.

Source: Ho Chi Minh, Selected Works Vol. 3, (Hanoi: Foreign Languages Publishing House, 1960–62), 17–21.


Malaysia Irredenta

A  case for Pan-Malayan unity by Wenceslao Q. Vinzons

The cyclic rise and fall of people in Providence’s immutable nomination. The crumbling ruins of castle walls and the struggling remnants of once powerful empires bear witness to this divine law. In a vain attempt to attain immortality, man has transmitted through the memory the storied splendors of by-gone civilizations. He clutches with the instinct of life at the barest threads linking his inglorious present with his glorious past. He lives over the conquests and wars of his ancestors, and in the tremulous fancy of his imaginings invests himself with the pretensions of greatness. He reconstructs in his mind the wisdom of his sires. He sets himself to the task of recreating the civilization that was prompted by this inexhaustible source of inspiration effects the redemption of his race.

In our struggle for emancipation from foreign control, during the centuries that our nationality has been repressed, our political outlook was circumscribed by narrow national boundaries. Towards the waning years of the regime of Spain, our enlightened patriots reconstructed our history and envisioned for us a future. We broke ourselves as a nation united by the bond of common traditions. Thirty years we have devoted for the strengthening of that bond. For thirty years, by the development of means of communication, the establishment of schools, the growth of commerce and trade, and exploitation of natural resources, we have nurtured our national consciousness until we have forged ourselves into a people that would rise and fall together through all the ages to come. But in the thirty years that we have grappled with internal problems, events have transpired in international relations which we, ignorant of their significance, have failed to notice. We do not comprehend the recurring changes in the evolution of nations which have transformed the Pacific Ocean into a vast stage of the world’s unfolding drama. The destiny of the nation and of the allied races in the oceanic islands is inextricably linked with these world affairs, in this stupendous political readjustment now beginning in the Far East. At this stage of our national history, let us, by expanded ambitions, prepare for ourselves a place of eminence and leadership in the world’s great hereafter.

Picture in your minds, ladies and gentlemen, an immense body of water extending mile after mile between four continents and connected with the rest of the globe by the eddying currents to waters equally vast. Place on this limitless expanse tiny points hardly perceptible to the eye, and surround it with great land masses and high mountains which stupefy even you, their own creator. Put on each diminutive isle small brown peoples hardly aware of the magnitude of creation about them, ignorant of when and whence they come, laboring like beasts for alien masters, without ambitions–therefore without a future. Then conceive for the surrounding masses countless millions of hardy, ambitious men, proud of a glorious history, scheming for world conquests, and looking with the hungry eyes of the panther at the helpless humanity in the ocean midst. And you, ladies and gentlemen, have the Pacific Ocean of the twentieth century, the center of activity, commercial and political, the crossroads where the conflict of nations rages in all its fury.

We are in a situation where we cannot disentangle ourselves from Asiatic complications. With the benign protection of the United States, we have been kept away from the conflict. But we indulge in self-deception when we ignore our inability to resist aggression; we jeopardize the interests of posterity when we fail to prepare for their defense; we invoke eternal curse on our heads when we continue in a policy of isolation contrary to the normal course of events. For the same power which has kept away from Oriental entanglements may, by its growing interest in the Sino-Japanese imbroglio, precipitate us into the conflict. We hear the din of revolution. The teeming masses, from the Himalayas to the China Coast, are shaking the foundation of the old order of things forging ahead in humanity’s march toward the millenium. Three hundred million Indians have hoisted the standard of revolt to wrest their government from foreign control. They have cast aside all differences, and identified themselves in a common cause. China, with her colossal proportions, with her four hundred million inhabitants, and her vast welath in natural resources is redeeming herself from the chaos of civil war. Imperialistic Japan is making her last bid for Asiatic leadership. If she succeeds in her Manchurian venture, she will have the Orient at her feet and the ocean for her dominion. Failing in this, she will cast her eyes to the south and mark for her only possible preys the weak and disunited oceanic islanders, the small brown peoples living in a hundred thousand islands from the rugged shores of Madagascar to the beetling crags of Easter Island.

I have portrayed for you, tonight, ladies and gentlemen, our national dilemma. We cannot ignore the magnitude of this problem. We are situated where shot and hell will rain the hardest in a Pacific war. We are impotent by reason of our number and our lack of means of protection and defense. With the instinct of the man in the last death throes with the waves, we look in the waters around us. We recall stray hits of historical knowledge which have trickled down through the years. Was there not in some distant past a race of Malayan Vikings? Were they not rulers of the seas and of the emerald isles, renowned for political genius? Did they not distinguish themselves by their dauntlessness in war and their achievements in peace? These recollections remind us of the possibility of the establishment of a nation that would consolidate a hundred million peoples into a Republic of Malaysia.

But the Malays have slept the sleep of the condemned. Not for one, nor for centuries, but for what seems an eternity. Their origin is shrouded in mystery. They only have a tradition of having come from the sea. A fantastic though not improbable theory would make the Malays the inhabitants of a great continent in the present ocean basin which sunk countless ages ago. They have with them the remnants of a once advanced civilization; they possess a highly developed language more widely-spread than those of the Greeks and the Romans. One would establish an affinity among the American Indians, Polynesians, and Malays, and striking similarities in language, traditions of a home in the sea and general dispersion, physical conformation and general character would seem to support the theory. It is not groundless to conclude that that these races are probably allied and at a period beyond the recollection of man shared a common home. But when the ocean waters submerged their continent, when the dreamy slumber of primeval ages overpowered all signs of activity, they slowly went down in the scale of civilization. More united racially than either the Indians or the Chinese, yet they have not formed a powerful modern state. Originally one in tongue; now they speak a confusion of dialects. Self-centered in their philosophy, repressed by long isolation, unmindful of their brilliant history, they have failed to conceive the dream of a free United State, of a redeemed Malaysia.

Our racial history is marked by the occasional display of the genius of remote ancestors. Under the influence of Hindu culture, the Shri-Visayan empire consolidated a vast territory from Formosa to Ceylon, and embracing to the south Java and the Moluccas. The magnificent edifices in Sumatra and the palaces of Angkor Thom are eternal monuments of its grandeur. In the wake of the Shri-Visayan empire, followed the more extensive conquests of the kingdom of Majapahit. Malayan soldiers fought against the hordes of Kublai Khan and founded a settlement in distant places. The Polynesians, too, have had their day of nation-building, and when the white man came with his Bible and rum bottle, he found in nearly every island an organized government. Hawaii had a constitution ever since Captain Cook abused Hawaiian hospitality. Fiji, Tahiti, and Samoa each had a stable government before the advent of missionaries. The Malays of Madagascar had consolidated themselves into a powerful kingdom and had established more churches than were found in Paris when a French man-of-war annexed the territory in the name of Catholic France. But the white man with his flaunted principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity, suppressed native governments and substituted therewith foreign rule. While preaching a religion of peace, he introduced muskets and dynamite; intent upon the promotion of human happiness, he has met native resistance with fire and sword, depopulating villages with warships and canons. He has tried to eradicate all vestiges of the natives’ past and unduly emphasize the grandeur of his own.

By maintaining our individuality against the successive impacts of physical and cultural invasions, we have evolved into a race well-fitted for self-government and state-building. We have a splendid heritage of sufferings and persecutions under alien rulers; a heritage of the best of Western religion and thought superimposed on the best traditions and customs of the East. Add to these advantages our generous endowments from nature; the fertile lands which await the hands of the toiler; our mines of gold, coal, and iron ore which at present are more industrial potentialities rather than concrete wealth. A unified Malaysia extending from the northern extremity of the Malay Peninsula to the shores of New Guinea, from Madagascar to the Philippines and to the remotest islands of Polynesia, will be a powerful factor in the oceanic world. Such an achievement will vindicate us from the contumely of alien peoples. It will belie the charge that we are densely incapable of organization, a race devoid of the genius of government, averse to hard labor and industrious habits, improvident and indolent in disposition, fond of cockfighting and childish sports, inveterately addicted to gambling, and altogether lacking those qualities which are indispensable to a people that would rise to a place of responsibility in the great family of nations.

The plan which I propose to you tonight, ladies and gentlemen, is not entirely of a novel impression. It was the original state before the home of our civilized ancestors was swallowed by the waves. It was executed in a way when the Shri-Visayan and Madjapahit empires ruled the sea. It was the proposed by the Hawaiian parliament in 1879 and conceived in 1898 by Apolinario Mabini in his idea of a “Federacion Malaya.”

The gods release a challenge to the teeming millions of Malaysia. It finds echoes in the only Malayan state of Siam, is transmitted throughout the Straits Settlements, coursing with greater intensity among Pacific Islands. It found expression when the Javanese resisted Dutch arbitrary rule in the Moluccas; when the Chief Tamasese of Samoa dared an English firing squad; when the Philippines revolted against Spain and resisted American invasion. It will likewise find expression, when we shall extend our vision beyond our territorial boundaries, when every Malay nation will raise itself from its local peculiar interests, when every islet will resound with the hymns of glories of forgotten empires; when we in the vision of United State work in concert to adopt a common language and overcome our frailties, so that by our renewed racial vitality we may give birth to a new nationalism, that of Malaysia redeemed.

As I impart to you tonight, ladies and gentlemen, the burden of my message, I feel that a shadow of doubt has crossed your minds. You must have shaken your heads in unbelief in a dream which because of the immensity of its proportions seem to defy reality; which by reason of its magnitude seems to be preposterous and absurd; which by its strange advocacy of the union of far distant peoples lost in the vastness of the ocean expanse, may for a moment be considered as highly improbable project. But your answer to this challenge will be your verdict on the capacity of your race for civilization, and your vision of a redeemed Malaysia will be the salvation of your posterity.


Solitude doesn’t mean you’re in a lonely place. I am not hiding in the caves of sorrow and the burrows of fear. No. I am free, and solitude is my strength.  I am in a place of purification where silence is louder than noise. A place where I am closer to my soul. I have found myself not in the company of others, but in the depths of my own thoughts. I saw myself chained by my own frailties, torn by grief and pain. And only solitude came to help. Now I have mastered how to forgive those who have caused me pain and I’ve learned to let go of the bitter memories of old

For all the heartbreaks I’ve been through, I am still standing, ready to fight back. But I fight not out of revenge. I am fighting for all the happy memories we’ve shared. I am grateful to have been a part of their stories, blissful watching them having the greatest time of their lives. I have learned acceptance and gratitude. In my solitude, I have found a more profound sense of happiness,  happiness you only feel when you know how to forgive and let go of the things that aren’t meant to stay.

A Writer’s Call to Action on the Syrian Civil War

“Someday I will adopt refugee kids. Why should I have my own kids when there are millions of children out there who don’t have parents?”

That was a promise I made nine months ago as I saw the video of a bloodied kid being rescued after their home was bombed. Omran Daqneesh, 5, sat inside an ambulance with his face covered in blood and his hair covered in ashes. He did not cry in pain nor did he scream in fear. His was a stare of innocence. It was a symbol for millions of children caught in the middle of war.

It was turning point for me—a very powerful moment that has shaped my views since. I realized that we as human beings have an obligation to speak out against this war, to give voice to those who are not heard, and to call for justice for those who are oppressed.

We have failed the Syrians, the South Sudanese, the Rohingyas, the Yemenis, and the Iraqis. How do we sleep at night while there are millions of children out there who are bombed as they sleep? How can we let our government officials fly to the United Nations and not say a word about the children who are killed by chemical weapons? How can people simply scroll down and not read a news article about civilian deaths?

Have we grown numb to war? Have daily news of violence desensitized us to heinous crimes against humanity?

Writers have an important role to play in an age of apathy. No longer do we see the global anti-war fervor during the Vietnam War. We must rethink the way we communicate and understand that every word we build is not just a string of letters, but lives of children who are in most need of our help. One article could spell the difference between global apathy or a global movement to oppose all wars.


A Critique of the Neoliberal Model for Humanitarian Engineering Courses

The four-day conference on Humanitarian Engineering, Entrepreneurship, and Design (HEED) was the first of its kind on campus, gathering students, professors, and non-academic professionals from different fields. Professor Khanjan Mehta of Lehigh University shared his experiences working on projects in developing countries with his former students at Penn State. He was the founder of Penn State’s humanitarian engineering program where they developed solutions to many problems in agriculture, energy, water, and health. Organizers are hoping to replicate this model and offer HEED as an elective course in UP Diliman.

Understandably, many of those in the humanitarian engineering sector would see this as a positive development, especially with the increased participation of the youth. But to me, Mr. Mehta’s model is not a solution to poverty. It does not address the root cause of poverty nor does it ensure a strong social safety net. Rather it subjects poor communities to the brutal forces of the free market, putting them at an even greater financial risk. It is a clever rebranding of the failed neoliberal project; a ridiculous attempt by the prophets of globalization to humanize an economic system that has brought generations of suffering for many in the Global South.

Mr. Mehta’s approach sounds reasonable on the surface. People need money and for them to have money, they must have jobs. Jobs–either in the form of owning a small-scale business or working for one. He treats poor communities not as beneficiaries of charity, but as potential market actors–buyers and sellers of products who constantly seek to accumulate more capital. Poverty, to him is not as complex as many academics like to think. It is simply about not having money.

But this concept of poverty is far removed from the realities on the ground, for it confuses the symptoms of poverty with its cause. It is not simply an issue of not having cash. This problem is complex and institutional. It perpetuates itself within a system built on decades of flawed government policy and colonial rule. It thrives in an environment where those who have the most power have far more privileges–social and economic. Until there is an active effort to dismantle this system, no amount of cash infusion can lift people out of poverty.

It is foolish, then, to adopt a model of humanitarian engineering based on the principles of the free market enterprise and expect positive social outcomes, for isn’t this the same system that has allowed the top 1% to own half of the world’s total wealth? Is this not the same system that denies people hospital admissions because they do not have enough money to pay? And isn’t this the same system that has destroyed rivers, oceans, mountains, and forests in the name of “progress?”

Mr. Mehta hopes to adopt a small-scale and more humane version of free market capitalism. The social entrepreneur, in this context, provides solutions to many social problems while simultaneously making profits from her enterprise. Not only does she sell a product, she also designs a business ecosystem where everybody profits. She’s optimistic that with enough profits, there will be more local entrepreneurs coming up with their own businesses. It’s a “win-win” solution–that is if you’re trying to throw more people into the poverty cliff.

It’s basic math, really. Why would a small-scale business thrive in a community where people have no money? And how would the social entrepreneur determine the price of her products? “Do not assume that there is a certain profit margin that you have to follow. Sell your products at the price that customers are willing to pay for,” Mr. Mehta argues. Thus, if the social entrepreneur made a product for Php 50 and she wanted to sell it at Php 70, but the locals could only afford Php 52, she would have no other choice but to yield. In this business model, instead of profits driving innovation, it is the satisfaction brought by the idea that one has solved a community problem.

The converse is much more striking and it exposes the contradictions of the neoliberal model and why it can’t be made humane. If the social entrepreneur made a product for Php 50 and she wanted to sell it at Php 70, but the locals could only afford Php 40, would she sell it at a much lower price? Profit lies at the heart of any business, no matter how hard people try to deodorize it, and one can never run an unprofitable business without running out of money. The social entrepreneur will be faced with two options–to abandon the community and look for communities that can afford her product or innovate and spend more money creating a cheaper product.

Here lies the problem. Why would a social entrepreneur spend more money creating a product that can give her less profits instead of just selling it to another community that can afford it when she could solve the same problem either way?

To solve the problem of limited aggregate capital, the only option would be to open the community to external investments so more money circulates within a community. But why would any investor want to spend her money on a community that cannot guarantee immediate returns to her shareholders? What would she gain from a community that lacks education and natural resources? To keep attracting more capital, communities would have to commodify every single basic necessity–food, water, energy, etc, to attract more social entrepreneurs. This essentially relieves the government of its mandate and privatizes social services in poor communities. In other words, poor people will have to pay for things that are already beyond their reach.

Social entrepreneurs give the government more reason to cut spending on public services. They are agents of neoliberalism masked as stewards of positive change. Why would the government choose to spend, when there’s already a private enterprise operating at a low cost? Poor people are thus faced with more uncertainty, as their future becomes subject to the whims of social entrepreneurs. Whether they can buy food for the next week depends if the social entrepreneur is still making profits.

Students taking HEED are also at risk of becoming manipulated by many unethical corporations. In a course that requires students to think and execute projects, you need seed funding, and that can either come from the government or from private entities. As the College of Engineering is no stranger to schmoozing with the most unethical companies just to get money, I strongly suspect that this will be the direction of HEED. And if you, the student, received large sums of money from company X, wouldn’t you feel beholden to them?

Corporate money doesn’t come without any strings attached. You’d have to advertise for them and pretend that what they’re doing with the environment and with their own labor force doesn’t matter. Take the case of mining engineering students who have no problem taking money from mining companies who are responsible for the murder of environmentalists, tribal leaders, and anti-mining activists. There was so much passion when Gina Lopez threatened the profits of their corporate masters. “Gina Lopez is not qualified to be DENR Secretary because she has no science-related degree.” Strangely there was no such outrage when a graduate of the military replaced her. “We’re also environmentalists,” they said. “We’re not trained to destroy the environment.” Such twisted and corrupt views are expected from trained dogs blinded by money. And this is what I fear will happen to HEED students who rely on corporate funding to complete this course.

Mr. Mehta tries to blur the line between sustainability and profiteering, arguing that there can never be a solution to a social problem unless it is profitable. His model is not based on compassion, but on greed. And greed is what fuels the neoliberal engine. So long as this engine runs, social entrepreneurs cannot pretend that what they are doing is ethical. On the contrary, profiteering is never sustainable. It relies on the expansionary logic of capitalism, the constant search for new markets, and the relentless pursuit of growth.

Humanitarian engineering was made not to profit off the suffering of the impoverished. It is meant to empower them, to make use of the resources around them using the skills we teach. We can never create jobs by using the same system that took away their jobs nor can we solve social problems by relying on the same system that created those same problems. Instead of teaching them greed, we must teach them common ownership and profit-sharing. This model has been successful in many parts of the world.

As neoliberalism becomes more unpopular in the West, it will constantly try to rebrand itself to deceive more countries in the developing world. Sometimes it’s called austerity and many times it’s called structural adjustment programmes. Worse, in the past and even today, it is called “freedom.” Yes, the economic system that favors the wealthy and robs from the poor calls itself freedom. I do not know how it would call itself in the future. Depends on the place, I guess. Who knows, in UP Diliman it may soon be called Humanitarian Engineering, Entrepreneurship, and Design.

Credits to for the cartoon.


A Day in the Life of an Eccentric

(This is for my creative writing class under Professor Wendell Capili)

He’s been called many names before. Strange, serious, introvert, shy. Perhaps the one that marked the most was eccentric. I never really understood why. I’ve known him for a few years now, but I couldn’t see anything different about him. He talks to people, hangs out with friends, and listens to music. All the things every other adult does. But he does seem to be a bit private so stalking him can be quite a challenge. It probably has something to do with his daily routine.

In the morning, you can tell when he’s awake because you can hear the sound of dropping coins. It always happens at around 7am. He’s probably counting how much money he has left. I like to count my money too, because I once had to skip dinner when I found that I had no more money for the next day. It’s a natural response. Probably the same experience happened to him. Between 8 and 10am, there’s no sound coming from his room. I go back to what I love to do for my morning routine, which is to watch a movie. I do like watching my own collection of Lord of the Rings, Harry Potter, or Toy Story. They bring back fond memories of my childhood. Halfway into the movie, he’s pacing in his room. Maybe, he’s preparing to leave. Quite odd that he doesn’t leave in the morning for breakfast. He must have stores of food in his room just like me.

Then he goes out at around 11 am, just in time for lunch. We seem to have the same taste for clothes. He always wears shirts that complement the color of his pants. Often, he has on a blue shirt and grey chinos. But I can also see him with white shirts and brown pants. I have similar clothes in my closet, although I sometimes wear light-colored shorts to match my dark-colored tees. He never leaves our apartment without cologne on. Just like me. Anything eccentric yet? Not for me.

He’s back in his room before noon strikes, always with takeout food. I don’t know how he manages to return so quickly. Maybe he buys his food a few blocks away. I go out, too, to buy food from the shopping center. Lola Lita’s carinderia is my favorite because they always cook ampalaya and sometimes fried fish. Going back, I have to ride a trike and an Ikot but we always arrive at the same time. Probably just a coincidence.

Perhaps his eccentricity lies in his afternoon routine. He laughs so loudly when he eats. He probably watches comedy shows on Youtube. I wonder what it is. It doesn’t bother me, though, because I laugh so hard at Vice Ganda’s jokes while I’m watching It’s Showtime.

Evening. Probably this time, I can prove that he’s really an eccentric. I can hear him watching The Big Bang Theory on some days. I know it’s a popular TV show and I have a complete collection of episodes myself. I watch it when I’m bored. When he’s done, he goes down to get some water and leaves his room slightly opened. He then writes something while listening to a podcast. I wonder what that is. I have my own favorite podcasts. I listen to podcasts on politics, religion, and feminism. Maybe that’s what he’s listening to. I also love writing for my own blog, just like millions of other people.  There’s nothing eccentric about any of those, still.

Could the answer lie in his social media accounts? Should I add him? Personally, I don’t like adding people I do not know. He only has 228 friends so he probably follows the same rule. His Twitter is curious, though. Ten thousand tweets and only 4 followers. And we both started in 2009.  How can this guy be weird when he goes along with what’s popular?

Evening passes and I’m left with no answer. What is it about him that makes people say he’s eccentric? We both use social media and we both have the same taste for clothes. We both count our money and we both watch the same shows. We both love to write and we both listen to podcasts. After all this time, I see nothing eccentric. Could it be that we are both eccentric or have I simply been observing myself?



Rethinking Love: A Review of Maleficent

(This is for my creative writing class under Professor Wendell Capili)

Can you remember that time your parents told you that Santa Claus wasn’t real? The look on your face when you found out that it wasn’t an obese, magical grandpa who sneaked into your house at Christmas night who gave you your presents? You probably don’t. The movie, Maleficent, a remake of the classic Disney movie, Sleeping Beauty, might help us rekindle something close to that feeling.

It was out of spite that the beautiful Aurora was cursed by the soulless witch. From her castle of thorns surrounded by a green mist, she waited for the day that mankind would bear her wrath. She was the epitome of hatred and the embodiment of all things evil. On the opposite, King Stefan was cast as a benevolent, charming king beloved by all of his subjects. He was king worthy of the title. At least that is what we are told.

Yet what this movie shows is not just a retelling but a complete overhaul of the character’s intentions. It challenges our pre-conceived notions of villain and protagonist and muddles the distinction between good and bad. Maleficent, after all, may not have been who we thought she was.

Born as a fairy in the magical land of the Moors, Maleficent knew nothing of hatred. She was a friend to all and an enemy to no one. She embodied the spirit of any child—gutsy, curious, and compassionate. Innocent to the realities outside of the Moors, Maleficent’s heart was pure.

But fate has a way of playing with people. It pushes us into an endless cycle of betrayal and failure that we sometimes think to ourselves: What’s the point of being nice when we only get envy and hatred in return? Slowly we grow numb to the hatred around us. We become desensitized to the harsh realities of the world that love also becomes a wishful thought. Worse, it drives many of us to do the most terrible things. The story of Maleficent may not be so different for you and me.

Vengeful for the treachery of the man she loved, the once virtuous Maleficent seized control of the Moors and vowed to avenge herself. Darkness covered the lands with large walls of thorns separating the Moors from the kingdom as she swore to spare it from human touch.  It was on the christening of King Stefan’s first child that she did her most evil deed, casting an irrevocable curse that she would soon regret.

The movie digresses from traditional storylines, however. Far from what audiences would expect, it skips the sudden change of Maleficent from evil to good as its ending. Instead it immediately directs the movie to this transformation in Maleficent’s character and prepares us for a bigger plot twist.  As soon as the baby was hidden by three clumsy fairies in the forest, Maleficent ceases to be the malevolent fairy. She sends Diaval, a crow-turned-human assistant, to deliver food and even saved the child Aurora from falling into the cliff. Barely halfway into the movie, Maleficent’s character has changed massively. Despite the authors attempt to paint her as evil through poorly-inserted scenes of attacking soldiers, Maleficent is no longer the same fairy that cursed Aurora.

Her closeness to the grown-up princess would soon come to a pause, as the latter finds that it was Maleficent who cursed her. On the day of her return of Stefan, the same anger and feeling of betrayal that once consumed Maleficent, now afflicted Aurora. She would soon end up pricking the spindle while inside the castle. Here lies the most captivating part of the story and it is a testament to how forcefully it confronts traditional norms. The prince, whom Aurora barely spoke to in the forest, could not wake her up with his kiss. It was Maleficent’s kiss—a kiss of longing and of friendship. It was a kiss far more powerful and more meaningful. Needless to say, this movie challenges our traditional notion of love. It shows a love that is deeper than the bond between two lovers. It is a more profound love which we cannot control. It comes at times when we expect it least.

It is a bitter irony to see that love both hurts and heals. For the same love that drove Maleficent to do evil things also saved the life of Aurora. It was love that broke into the wall of hate that love itself has helped build. Indeed, it sheds light even in the deepest caves or the wildest moors. Walls of bricks and cements cannot withstand love’s strength.

But Maleficent is bound for a more fatal trial as King Stefan has prepared a trap. A huge iron ring falls on her as she brings Aurora to the castle’s exit. Soldiers attack her as the deadly metal burned her skin. Even as a dragon, Diaval couldn’t save his friend. Aurora accidentally entering the room where Maleficent’s wings were kept was the movie’s turning point. By then, it was clear that Maleficent would regain her wings right before Stefan could stab his former lover. It had a more profound meaning, for it symbolized Maleficent’s liberation from the chains of hatred and anger.

The roles have been reversed. Maleficent was now the antagonist and Stefan the protagonist. Despite Maleficent sparing his life as they ended on top of the tower, Stefan plunged on her until they fell off and Stefan met his terrible end. It was not Maleficent who killed Stefan, though. It was his hatred and selfishness. Indeed, anger clouds our reasoning and pushes us to do things that would harm us further. Once it is let loose, anger leaps out of the fences of our own moral codes.

Maleficent’s story is our story, too. While movies of old have obsessed with dividing characters into good and bad, Maleficent acknowledges a simple fact that everybody can relate to—that morality is relative.  The world cannot be divided between those who are good and those who are evil, when each of us has both forces present. When we see people do bad things, it is not simply a product of a fleeting idea. It is an emotional response which many of us cannot escape.  It is up to us to accept this reality and to train ourselves to always seek the good side despite the challenges and failures we face.

Overall, Maleficent is a refreshing movie in an age dominated by dull good vs. evil superhero plots. It delves more into the human character and the complexities of the world. Far from casting plots in an oversimplified light, Maleficent works with the world’s contradictions and creates a rich story of love and magical adventure.